Marx wrote about the theory in his book "Capital, Volume 1," and again with his frequent collaborator, Friedrich Engels, in the impassioned treatise, "Manifesto of the Communist Party. There are many reasons for this. Only after such preparatory formulations can we begin to exploit the category of objective possibility systematically. But its actual appearance in time and space will take the form of a disparate succession of events in different countries at different times and even in different branches of industry in a number of countries. [17], Even commerce is not able, in the forms it assumes in pre-capitalist societies, to make decisive inroads on the basic structure of society. The only question at issue is how much it has to suffer before it achieves ideological maturity, before it acquires a true understanding of its class situation and a true class consciousness. The most striking distinction, and the one that directly concerns us, is that pre-capitalist societies are much less cohesive than capitalism. From the point of view of the relation of consciousness to society this contradiction is expressed as the irreconcilable antagonism between ideology and economic base. Marx mercilessly exposes the flaws and absurdities and the reversions to a pre-Hegelian stage implicit in this approach. As Marx says, it must become a class not only “as against capital” but also “for itself”; [43] that is to say, the class struggle must be raised from the level of economic necessity to the level of conscious aim and effective class consciousness. In this situation the fate of the proletariat, and hence of the whole future of humanity, hangs on whether or not it will take the step that has now become objectively possible. Marx says on this point: [26] “The small-holding peasants form a vast mass whose members live in similar conditions but without entering into manifold relations with each other. Capital III, pp. And yet the historically significant actions of the class as a whole are determined in the last resort by this consciousness and not by the thought of the individual – and these actions can be understood only by reference to this consciousness. This provides us with the philosophical foundation we need to settle accounts with the utopians. But as a “transitional class in which the interests of two other classes become simultaneously blunted ...” it will imagine itself “to be above all class antagonisms”. This applies also to e.g. The facts and the situations which induce this panic force something into the consciousness of the bourgeoisie which is too much of a brute fact for its existence to be wholly denied or repressed. This was the case with the abolition of the feudal estates during the French Revolution. This sense will objectify itself in particular interests of the moment and it may only be ignored at the price of allowing the proletarian class struggle to slip back into the most primitive Utopianism. But primarily because only with capitalism does economic class interest emerge in all its starkness as the motor of history. The bourgeoisie is unable in theory to understand more than the details and the symptoms of economic processes (a failure which will ultimately prove its undoing). In Hegel’s parlance the economy has not even objectively reached the stage of being-for-itself. 339, 351, etc. Georg Lukacs History & Class Consciousness 1920. And this is instinctively felt to be a necessity by larger and larger sections of the proletariat. This ideological crisis is an unfailing sign of decay. For the relation to the whole created by the consciousness of one’s status is not directed to the real, living economic unity but to a past state of society as constituted by the privileges accorded to the estates. i think, it made Lukacs as a outstanding philosopher of neo-marxist today!Cited by: Aspects of history and class consciousness, and a great selection of related books, art and collectibles available now at - Aspects of History and Class Consciousness, - AbeBooks.

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