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Bernstein lists most of the typical objections to Marx's political thought: dismissing its method as Hegelian obfuscation, mistaking 'vulgar' materialism for historical materialism,  claiming its so-called predictions didn't come true, arguing against revolutionary violence without grasping the systemic violence of capitalism, and accusing his more radical opponents of utopianism. 18. Reference has already been made in different passages of this book to the great influence which tradition exercises, even amongst socialists, upon judgments regarding facts and ideas. In proportion to the British national wealth that is only a small fraction; after one subtracts the capital invested abroad and the twice-reckoned capital, it is not the hundredth part of the national capital. Induced by all this the German social democratic party put the book on the agenda of its Hanover Congress (October, 1899), where it was discussed in a debate that lasted three days and a half and ended with the acceptance of a resolution that was meant to be a rejection of the views put forward by the author. The history of the productive co-operative societies that have not failed financially speaks almost more loudly still against this form of “republican factory” than that of the bankrupt ones. Over the weekend, I read Eduard Bernstein's. In other words, financial means alone will not solve the problem of co-operative work. Welcome back. To that point his work is free of every tendency necessarily interfering with the scientific method. Until this happens tradition usually forms the most powerful means of linking those together whom no strong, constant, effective interest or external pressure knits together. In legislation, intellect dominates over emotion in quiet times; during a revolution emotion dominates over intellect. Or is it simply the peasant’s landed property that stands in the way? The return to the Communist Manifesto points here to a real residue of Utopianism in the Marxist system. For exceptional objects it may answer for men themselves to name their immediate leaders and to have the right to remove them. 19. MIA  >  Bernstein  >  Evolutionary Socialism. Eduard Bernstein he was a socialist who argued in his "evolutionary socialism" that marxs predictions of ever greater concentration of wealth in ever fewer hands had been proved false. “Revolution “ is here used exclusively in its political meaning, as synonymous with a rising or unlawful force. To-day it needs, in addition to the fighting spirit, the co-ordinating and constructive thinkers who are intellectually enough advanced to be able to separate the chaff from the wheat, who are great enough in their mode of thinking to recognise also the little plant that has grown on another soil than theirs, and who, perhaps, though not kings, are warmhearted republicans in the domain of socialist thought. If Proudhon appears sometimes as a decided opponent and sometimes as a supporter of co-operation this contradiction is explained by his having at one time quite a different form of co-operation in his mind than at another. For the great masses of peasants are not always simply producers of commodities; they themselves raise a considerable share of their necessary food. But I read it not long after I read Sheri Berman's Primacy of Politics (an excellent book on how social democracy developed out of revisionist socialist parties. Here is a handle by means of which the working class can seize for itself a considerable portion of the social wealth which would otherwise serve to increase the income of the propertied classes and thereby strengthen them, and this, without direct destruction of life, without recourse to force which, as we have seen, is no simple affair. It overlooks the fact that it is almost impossible to win over the poorest classes to a co-operative society or that they can be won over to it only very gradually at best. They had either been obliged to dissolve altogether or had dwindled into small company businesses, which, if they did not employ men for wages quite in the same way as other businesses, were weakly dying away. One must confess that such demonstration bears witness to a striking wealth of thought. Whether of the hundreds of thousands of small undertakings, a good number are of capitalistic character and others are wholly or partly dependent on large capitalist undertakings, this can alter very little the total result which the statistics of undertakings offer. Bernstein writes in his preface how he wanted to expand on a letter he wrote but it be simple enough for working people, then he blathers on for 230 pages (in what could’ve been said in like 30) about why stock options for employees is socialism and why Marx and Rosa Luxemburg are wrong, all the while looking quite foolish considering the hundred years that came after this was published. It is just some of the more deeply devoted followers of Marx who have not been able to separate themselves from the dialectical form of the work – that is the scaffolding alluded to – who do this. 34-35. The English caste feeling, he adds, is not a consequence of the social differentiation of to-day but an after-effect of the earlier system of guilds and companies and the older trade union movement based on them. It thus appears that this great scientific spirit was, in the end, a slave to a doctrine. And, therefore, I am not surprised if the same Plechanow, who is angered to see the position of working men represented as not hopeless, has only the annihilating verdict, “Philistine”, for my conclusions on the impossibility at any period within sight of abandoning the principle of the economic self-responsibility of those capable of working. According to that, we have as the first condition of the general realisation of socialism a definite degree of capitalist development, and as the second the exercise of political sovereignty by the class party of the workers, i.e., social democracy. MIA  >  Bernstein  >  Evolutionary Socialism. To this, people are led before all else by the idea that the working class is the most numerous and also the most energetic class of the community. Moreover, it would be quite a mistake to say that England was originally a particularly favourable soil for co-operative societies. Similar conflicts exist with regard to the estimate of the relation of economics and force in history, and they find their counterpart in the criticism on the practical tasks and possibilities of the working class movement which has already been discussed in another place. Considering how stupid Bernstein sounds in the first two chapters, I don’t know why I let myself get that far. It would be rash to say, as some writers do, that for agriculture, with reference to the advantages of large and small undertakings, exactly the opposite law holds good as for industry. We cannot demand from a class, the great majority of whose members live under crowded conditions, are badly educated, and have an uncertain and insufficient income, the high intellectual and moral standard which the organisation and existence of a socialist community presupposes. The advantages of the co-operative purchase of seeds, of the co-operative purchase of machines, and the co-operative sale of produce, as well as the possibility of cheap credit, cannot save peasants already ruined, but they are a means of protecting from ruin thousands and tens of thousands of small peasants. “But we declare: Give us for half a year the power of government, and the capitalist society would belong to history” (Parvus in the Sächsiche Arbeiterzeitung, March 6th, 1898). But as soon as it has attained a certain size – which may be relatively very modest – equality breaks down because differentiation of functions is necessary, and with it subordination. 7. [2] the working class was improving its material position, which contradicted I think I can take it as being generally admitted that there would be no question of an immediate taking over by the state of the total manufacture and distribution of products. Well worth reading, or wading through depending upon your vantage point. But in spite of that it turned again and again to tactics which supposed both preliminary conditions as almost fulfilled. he suggested that socialists should combine with other progressive forces to win radial evolutionary … One finds in the assemblies of socialist societies only very few so-called unskilled workmen. But it shows not one purely productive association of the modern large industry type, although the latter is nevertheless fairly widely spread in France. - Meanwhile they cannot yet be reckoned with. We have to take working men as they are. Eduard Bernstein formulated the theoretical premises expressing .the movement toward revisionist practice, which was taking place iOn European social ist parties during the late 19th century. - Just because I expect much of the working classes I censure much more everything that tends to corrupt their moral judgment than I do similar habits of the higher classes, and I see with the greatest regret that a tone of literary decadence is spreading here and there in the working class press which can only have a confusing and corrupting effect. To-day these conditions have been to some extent removed, and therefore no person capable of reflecting will think of criticising political action with the arguments of that period. THE PRECONDITIONS OF SOCIALISM, [SAC editor has excerpted and summarized We can consider it as proved that the co-operative society has shown itself to be an economic factor of importance, and if other countries are behind England in this, it has taken firm root in Germany, France, Belgium, etc., and gains ground more and more. When the workmen employed are the exclusive proprietors, its constitution is a living contradiction in itself. One can interpret this chapter in very different kinds of ways. Like production itself, the conditions of existence for the producers press towards the socialisation and the co-operative organisation of production and exchange. There, indeed, a passage reads that it is certainly indispensable for revolutionary socialism to take as its ultimate aim the nationalisation of all the means of production, but not for practical political socialism which places near aims in front of distant ones. We ought to be less susceptible in this respect. The use of mechanical power, the procuring of credit, the better security of sale co-operation can make all these accessible to the peasant whilst the nature of his farming makes it easier for him to overcome occasional losses than is possible for the larger farmer. Yet in his time Stiebling had to hear (from Kautsky) that if what he inferred was correct, the theoretical foundation of the working class movement, the theory of Marx, was false. To by far the greatest number of them the socialisation of agricultural production cannot be much more than empty words. Against this the registered British Co-operative Societies had in the years: 11. He refuses to the essentially monopolist association what he admits to the mutualistic association, that is to the association working a system of reciprocity. But for the rest the association is to utilise all the advantages of the modern large enterprise and all co-operative and mutual arrangements are to be adopted for the business needs, etc., of the members. Bernstein's "revisionism" was based on statistical evidence which indicated that =, [1]

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