In fact, however, this example of Marx’s anger is a vivid expression of a deep and substantive difference between his outlook and that of Lassalle. For the ultimate triumph of the ideas set forth in the Manifesto, Marx relied solely and exclusively upon the intellectual development of the working class, as it necessarily had to ensue from united action and discussion. statues, and in his Inaugural Address he hailed the co-operative movement, along with the ten-hour day, as ‘up to now the greatest victories of the political economy of labour over the political economy of property’. Marx’s critique of these demands is extremely clear and thorough; it needs no elaboration here as it will be immediately comprehensible to the reader. Proudhonism in the Latin countries and Lassalleanism in Germany were dying out, and even the arch-conservative English trade unions were gradually approaching the point where in 1887 the chairman of their Swansea Congress could say in their name: ‘Continental Socialism has lost its terrors for us.’ Yet by 1887 Continental Socialism was almost exclusively the theory heralded in the Manifesto.[6]. It provides a systematic explanation of the material reasons why these class contradictions arose and why they have developed and sharpened in spite of a continuing rise in the productive power of social labour. 15-1745-8. But if one constructs programs of principles (instead of postponing them until a prolonged period of common activity has prepared the ground), one sets up before the whole world landmarks which measure the level of party movement. MARGINAL NOTES TO THE PROGRAM OF THE GERMAN WORKERS' PARTY. He proceeds inversely, by criticizing in the greatest detail each individual passage in the Programme. The practical politics of a real Marxist is only the continuation by other means of his theoretical work of science and propaganda. It is true that the latter will have overcome private ownership of the means of production and related ‘inequalities’ and ‘injustices’ in the distribution of goods. Having done so, he will be ready to understand those parts of the Critique which are hard to comprehend without some knowledge of Marxist concepts and their place within the whole economic and social theory of Marxism. Marx wrote the critique of the draft Programme of the Gotha Congress before the Congress itself took place. In the Critique of the Gotha Program, Marx developed important questions regarding the tactics of the proletariat’s class struggle. This discovery is that wages are not, as the bourgeois economists would have it, the value (or price) of labour but only ‘a masked form of the value or price of labour power’, which is sold on the labour market as a commodity before it is employed productively (as labour) in the capitalist’s enterprise. From this point of view, therefore, it is again nonsense to say that it, together with the bourgeoisie, and with the feudal lords into the bargain, "form only one reactionary mass" relative to the working class. This means that Marx did not proceed to criticize the Gotha Programme by revealing the false and superficial general principle that clearly underlies all its particular sentences and demands, and then simply counterpose the truer and deeper principle of his materialism to it, in an equally general form. For it is precisely where the. In place of the existing class struggle appears a newspaper scribbler's phrase: "the social question", to the "solution" of which one "paves the way". On the other hand, the proletariat is revolutionary relative to the bourgeoisie because, having itself grown up on the basis of large-scale industry, it strives to strip off from production the capitalist character that the bourgeoisie seeks to perpetuate. This demand remained in the Programme as one of the ‘eight’ immediate demands of the united German working class, which is really as if a newly founded revolutionary party had called for the ‘abolition of the dog tax’.

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